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Economics

5 open questions · 7 papers · 2002–2026 · oldest first

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Arguments about what people and markets actually do, as against what the models assume.

Ours, not the authors'.

Where the field disagrees

How to read this part.

Each question below is one the field is arguing about now. Under it are the views, one sentence each, in our words, and the people whose dated claims sit under each one, in theirs. Learn the arguments before the answers: being able to say why two serious people disagree is most of understanding a field. Nobody is filed under a view; their claims are, so somebody can appear under two. Tap a view to check it against the exact words.

Does public debt cost what we think it does?

Cheap debt looked settled until rates moved, and two people here changed their minds in writing.

  1. Below-growth rates make debt far cheaper than the usual alarm suggests

    Olivier Blanchard

  2. The arithmetic has turned, and the bill arrives on refinancing

    Ray DalioOlivier Blanchard

  3. The interest rate is a symptom of the economy, not a lever a central bank pulls

    Tyler CowenOlivier Blanchard

4 voices · 15 claims · 2 changed their mind · read the whole argument

Do tariffs do what they are imposed to do?

They have counted what tariffs do and disagree about what the counting shows.

  1. The counts came in and the tariffs did not do the things they were imposed to do

    Paul Krugman

  2. A trade deficit is a capital surplus, so the deficit to fix is the budget's

    John H. Cochrane

  3. Prices move through a supply chain slowly, which is why nobody has felt it yet

    John H. CochraneOlivier Blanchard

  4. Protection costs something, and it is counted in the wrong column

    John H. CochraneHannah RitchieEmmanuel Macron

5 voices · 16 claims · read the whole argument

Can a rich country still build things?

Not whether the projects are wanted, but what stops them: permits, lost capability, or the rules themselves.

  1. Permission and litigation are what stop a project, not money

    Brian PotterJohn H. CochraneCasey Handmer

  2. Some countries have simply lost the capability, and it shows in the water and the wires

    Patrick CollisonHannah RitchieAlon LevyBalaji Srinivasan

  3. What gets built is decided by who objects and where they live

    Paul GrahamThomas PtacekCasey HandmerDavid MacKay

  4. Regulation is still part of the answer, and saying which part is the hard bit

    Hannah RitchieDavid MacKay

10 voices · 16 claims · read the whole argument

Do we shrink our way out of the climate problem, or grow our way out?

All agree emissions must fall; they disagree about whether that means less output or cheaper energy.

  1. Shrinking output means somebody stays poor, and the arithmetic says who

    Casey HandmerBranko Milanovic

  2. Cheap energy is what made prosperity and lower impact stop being opposites

    Noah SmithHannah RitchieCasey Handmer

  3. It is an opportunity rather than a law, and it can still be missed

    Hannah RitchieTyler CowenDavid MacKay

  4. Either the lever is a price on the dirty things, or there is no lever

    John H. CochraneCasey HandmerBranko Milanovic

7 voices · 16 claims · read the whole argument

Where does the energy come from, and what is stopping it?

Once about which technology would win, now mostly about what can actually get built.

  1. Solar and storage have already won on cost, and the price keeps falling

    Noah SmithRamez Naam

  2. What is scarce is not the technology but permission to build

    Tyler CowenElon MuskPaul GrahamHannah RitchieAlon LevyThomas Ptacek

  3. Abundant energy is the precondition for everything else a country wants

    Noah SmithUrsula von der LeyenEmmanuel Macron

  4. Several of the received worries about energy use are aimed at the wrong number

    Hannah RitchieSimon Willison

11 voices · 13 claims · 1 changed their mind · read the whole argument

Who to read first

The voices we picked out on these 5 questions, then anyone else on record about several of them. The number is how many of the questions they are on, not a ranking of who is right.

Who changed their mind

What moved somebody is usually what the argument turns on. Newest first.

  1. Olivier Blanchard ·

    When safe interest rates are expected to remain below growth rates for a long time, rolling over public debt without later tax increases is feasible and public debt may carry no fiscal cost.

    Across advanced economies, the celebrated ( r - g ), i.e., the difference between the interest rate and the growth rate, appears to have durably changed sign or, at a minimum, to have gone from a substantially negative number to a number closer to zero.

    On Does public debt cost what we think it does?

  2. Ramez Naam ·

    After four more doublings of installed solar capacity, solar electricity will cost about 3 cents per kwh in the sunniest areas and 4.5 cents per kwh in moderately sunny areas.

    Both of those forecasts were wrong. Solar has plunged in price faster than anyone – including me – predicted.

    On Where does the energy come from, and what is stopping it?

  3. Scott Sumner ·

    Aggressive quantitative easing should raise long-term interest rates, because effective monetary stimulus raises them.

    I predicted that aggressive QE would raise long term interest rates, a view which seemed to be refuted by the response on T-bond yields to the March 2009 Fed QE announcement.

    On Does public debt cost what we think it does?

Ways of thinking this field uses

Mental models that keep turning up in these arguments. Our pick; each page holds the claims behind it, in the words of whoever said them.

The shape of the field

  1. 2002

    Systematically Biased Beliefs about Economics: Robust Evidence of Judgemental Anomalies from the Survey of Americans and Economists on the Economy

    Bryan Caplan · in the archive · 3 korrents

    Ordinary people and economists systematically disagree about the economy, and the gap survives checks for economists' self-interest, their politics, and even general education.

  2. 2010
  3. 2012
  4. 2016

    Applying Behavioral Sciences in the Service of Four Major Economic Problems

    Jason Furman · in the archive · 2 korrents

    Behavioral science keeps inventing tools and then looking for problems they can solve, when it should start with big economic questions and build insights to match.

  5. 2017

    Acemoglu & Restrepo, "Robots and Jobs: Evidence from US Labor Markets" (NBER working paper 23285)

    Daron Acemoglu, Pascual Restrepo · in the archive · 3 korrents

    Adding industrial robots from 1990 to 2007 cut local US jobs and wages—one more robot per thousand workers lowered employment by 0.18-0.34 points and pay by 0.25-0.5 percent.

  6. 2022

    Widespread misperceptions of long-term attitude change (with 1 co-authors)

    Adam Mastroianni · in the archive · 4 korrents

    People badly misjudge how Americans' opinions on big social issues have shifted over decades, usually thinking there's been far more change toward liberal views than the polls actually show.

  7. 2026

    Chaos and Misallocation under Price Controls (with 2 co-authors)

    Alex Tabarrok · in the archive · 4 korrents

    When prices are frozen below market levels, sellers become indifferent about where to ship, so tiny cost differences send all supply to some markets and starve others completely.

7 of these 7 papers are in this archive, with quotes you can check — those are the linked ones. The rest are here so the timeline is the field's shape rather than ours: they carry no quote, no link and no claim beyond their title, authors and year, and the one-line notes are ours, about what each paper did rather than what anyone believes.

What you can read here

  1. 1 Systematically Biased Beliefs about Economics: Robust Evidence of Judgemental Anomalies from the Survey of Americans and Economists on the Economy

    Bryan Caplan · 1 Apr 2002 · 3 korrents

    Ordinary people and economists systematically disagree about the economy, and the gap survives checks for economists' self-interest, their politics, and even general education. This shows the public's economic views really are biased in a robust way that simple alternatives cannot explain away. It reports survey analysis that rejects self-serving and ideological accounts and finds training effects remain large after education controls.

    economistsAmericabehavioural science

  2. 2 High income improves evaluation of life but not emotional well-being (with Angus Deaton)

    Daniel Kahneman · 7 Sept 2010 · 3 korrents

    happinessbehavioural science

  3. 3 Adaptive constructive processes and the future of memory (American Psychologist, 2012)

    Daniel Schacter · 3 korrents

    Americabehavioural science

  4. 4 Applying Behavioral Sciences in the Service of Four Major Economic Problems

    Jason Furman · 1 Oct 2016 · 2 korrents

    Behavioral science keeps inventing tools and then looking for problems they can solve, when it should start with big economic questions and build insights to match. That flip would let behavioral ideas work alongside traditional policy tools on the large-scale problems economic policymakers actually face. It is an argument for reversing the usual order of applying behavioral science to policy, pushing against the current tools-first approach.

    behavioural science

  5. 5 Acemoglu & Restrepo, "Robots and Jobs: Evidence from US Labor Markets" (NBER working paper 23285)

    Daron Acemoglu, Pascual Restrepo · 1 Mar 2017 · 3 korrents

    Adding industrial robots from 1990 to 2007 cut local US jobs and wages—one more robot per thousand workers lowered employment by 0.18-0.34 points and pay by 0.25-0.5 percent. That damage is distinct from Chinese or Mexican imports, offshoring, and other computers or machines. It reports local-market estimates built on robots competing with people for tasks, using each area’s industry mix and national robot adoption, and checks those areas were not already declining before 1990.

    AI and jobsAmericarobotics

  6. 6 Widespread misperceptions of long-term attitude change (with 1 co-authors)

    Adam Mastroianni · 7 Mar 2022 · 4 korrents

    People badly misjudge how Americans' opinions on big social issues have shifted over decades, usually thinking there's been far more change toward liberal views than the polls actually show. These mistakes can lend support to policies people might reject if they knew the real history of opinions, and can even turn imaginary trends into real ones. It reports survey results matching people's guesses about long-term attitude shifts against actual polling data, and finds the errors stem from a shared stereotype that today is much more liberal than the past.

    politicsbehavioural scienceattitude changedemocracy

  7. 7 Chaos and Misallocation under Price Controls (with 2 co-authors)

    Alex Tabarrok · 12 Feb 2026 · 4 korrents

    When prices are frozen below market levels, sellers become indifferent about where to ship, so tiny cost differences send all supply to some markets and starve others completely. That feast-or-famine pattern creates losses from goods going to the wrong places that range from roughly one to nine times the usual loss from simply having less overall, calibrated to the 1973-74 U.S. gasoline crisis. It proves all-or-nothing outcomes are the normal result under price ceilings and gives bounds on the waste without assuming demand shapes, going past the standard quantity-loss measure and random-allocation benchmarks.

    market efficiencybenchmarksgovernmentprice gouging

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